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Slobodna Krajina 7.8.2010.
Dr Novica Vojinovic


The Orthodox peoples were attacked in the twentieth century by the two darkest world organizations, the two internationals: the black one – the Vatican International, and the red one – the communist International – Comintern, which had originated in Moscow in 1919, with its roots coming from Vatican.

These two phantoms, the two proven evils, the two great plagues and essentially two criminal ideologies – not only brought the Serbian and the Russian peoples by the end of the twentieth century to the brink of material poverty, but destroyed them economically for a whole century, maybe even longer. They brought both these heroic, dignified peoples with the oldest states in the world, with the greatest traditions, history, culture and civilisation, to the brink of biological survival, above the abyss, to extinction and disappearance from earth.

In order to effectively destroy Russia as the economic competitor of the West, by the beginning of the twentieth century, Vatican launched a destructive, regressive ideology – communism, which brought chaos and dissolution to Russia in 1917, in the so-called October Revolution, which was led by a communist, a Bolshevik, the slant-eyed Vladimir Iljic Lenin, a Kalmik – Moslem after his father, and a Jew of the Polish Jewish family of Bank in his mother's line.

In 1917 Lenin was transferred across Germany to Russia from emigration in Switzerland in a sealed carriage with a huge sum of German money in gold. His Bolsheviks took advantage of the war, caused confusion and ousted the Orthodox Tzar Russia, and established in it the Soviet, communist rule, which was after 74 years of rule to destroy the Russian economy, to significantly endanger the Russian spirituality, and jeopardise the existence of the Orthodox peoples as a whole.

During that revolution in Russia, the communists had killed about 30 million of the Orthodox Russians, and until the collapse of communism in 1989 55-60 million.

In 1918 the communists killed about 1.500 members of the Russian Tzar family of Romanovs, who had ruled over Russia for more than 300 years – they killed everyone who was in any family relation to them. In Russia the communists killed 130.000 Orthodox clergymen and two Moscow patriarchs, pulled down about 60.000 Orthodox churches, monasteries and other sacral buildings. In order to destroy the family as the primary cell of every society, the communists in Russia introduced the so-called cohabitation, which resulted in only a few years in several millions of illegitimate children who became a serious social problem of the country.

In 1934 the communists introduced "the collectivisation of the Russian village", created kolkhozes and sovkhozes, which resulted in 11 million people dying of hunger and the totally destroyed Russian agriculture.

From 1934 to 1940 the Russian communists, led by Stalin, conducted the so-called "purge of the party", which resulted in execution of two million of the most renowned Russian managers, among whom there were even three of the five marshals of the Russian army and a few millions of people who were arrested and sent to the Siberia camps and only few came back alive. One of the prisoners in Siberia and a man of letters, Alexander Solzenicin, had described those camps in his novel "Archipelago of Gulag" and in the book "A Day of Ivan Denisovich".

About 20 million Russians were killed in the Second World War, and the destruction of the Russian nation, the Russian Orthodoxy and economy, was continued after the war. Finally, the last president of the communist Russia, Michail Gorbachev, ordered in 1989 the pulling down of the Berlin Wall, thus uniting the Eastern and Western Germany, and annulling the result of the Second World War. At the same time, Gorbachev announced "perestroyka", a reorganisation of the Soviet state, which led to its eventual collapse and crumbling down into some ten independent countries which have recently been increasingly endangered by American capital (economic investments, bootlegging, crime, drugs, prostitution) and expansion of the NATO Pact to the East.

Besides the crimes over the Russian Orthodox people, in the twentieth century the communists in the twentieth century also committed crimes against the Serbs. It was therefore that the Vatican-Catholic superior, the Roman pope, contentedly stated in 1994 that communism in Russia and generally among the Orthodox peoples had performed the part which had been intended, the destructive part, and that a definite destruction of the economy and spirituality, especially of the two strongest Orthodox countries, Russia and Serbia, was to be continued. It was therefore that in 1982, for the first time in history, the Pope attended the establishment of alliance with the Protestant America: he created the Rome – Washington axis within the Trilateral Commission. It is the alliance which was formed by the US President Ronald Regan and the Roman Pope Voytila of Polish origin, who travelled to Jerusalem in May 2001, upon the order of Americans and the Trilateral Commission, to apologise to the Jews for two thousand years of persecution by the Catholic church, and also to apologise to the Orthodox peoples for a thousand years of persecution and murders by Vatican and for the false charge that they were "schismatics".

Ideological Preparations and the Communist Justification of the Crimes

What were the crimes committed by the communists against the Serbian people in the twentieth century, what were the methods they employed, which is the final result of the communist crimes over the Serbian people from 1919 when the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had been founded, until its collapse along with that of Yugoslavia which existed from 1945 to 1991?

It should be pointed out in the first place that during Broz's communist regime it was impossible in Yugoslavia either to talk or write of their crimes against the Serbian people. And the crimes against the Serbs were being continually committed – the genocide over the Serbs lasted in a stronger or a weaker form from 1919 to 1991, but in the period 1992-1995 the crimes culminated in the breaking up of Yugoslavia, the initiation of the religious (civil) war in Yugoslavia, the realisation of the third genocide against the Serbs in the twentieth century, and killing of the Serbs in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina under protection of the foreign factor. It is a continuation of the genocide which was conducted in 1941 under the protection of Hitler and fascism, and 1991-1995 under the protection of the Western forces and the NATO Pact.

Therefore, the Serbs were killed in the twentieth century by the Pope, the fascists, the communists and the Western democrats respectively, all in their own ways, for their interests, with their own reasons, all in their own time, and sometimes even in combination – for instance, Vatican, the communists and fascists together.

By establishing the Comintern for destroying the Orthodox Slavic peoples, Lenin had formulated some of its principles and methods of struggle for power and methods of society management.

Lenin quoted Marx, especially the paragraph in the "Manifest of the Communist Party" (1848) which reads:

"The communists state that their aims can be achieved only by overthrowing by force all the social orders which have so far existed."

For communists to achieve that, Lenin establishes several principles.

First, the power should be usurped by force, and only then the majority is to be created. That is opposite to the democratic parliamentary systems in Europe, which require majority in the elections, and coming to power only by democratically obtained majority.

Second, in the struggle for power one should be prepared for:

"all the possible artifices, tricks, illegal methods, for suppression of the truth, for the communist activity to be conducted at any cost… We will take advantage of every swindle and every trick, every illegal method or manoeuvre, and then every falsification of the truth, everything suiting us and our interests."

The communist rule must rely on force.

"The communist rule means no less and no more than full unlimited power, relying on force, an absolute power without limits, with no rules, with no legal frames."

In that struggle, as Lenin says:

"No considerations, no mercy, even for one's father, mother, even for one's wife. One who is not with us is against us and has to be killed."

Lenin says that the communists must destroy the opposition:

"The communists must do away with their opposition in any way, as soon as possible – destroying the opposition is considered by the communists as the issue of life and death."

Lenin's minister of culture, Anatoly Vasiljevic Lunacharsky, an outstanding stylist, man of letters, historian, publicist and critic, a widely cultured man, who had developed under the influence of Feuerbach and Chernisevsky and who had written a history of the literature of the Western Europe, could not avoid the criminal communist principles. One of such principles was formulated by himself, and it regards the Biblical Orthodox love for the close ones, and it reads:

"Damned be all the love for the close ones, for we, the communists, need hate rather than love, we have to learn how to hate because only in that way can we obtain and usurp power."

These were some of the principles of the Bolshevik leaders when they were leading the October Revolution in Russia. That is the ideology of force, hate and the evil, and a justification of the forces of hate and evil, and the crimes against the Orthodox peoples.

The Communist Crime against the Serbian People between the Two World Wars 1919-1941

Adopting unreservedly all the principles of the Comintern and the Bolshevik Party, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) stated in 1924 that the Serbs in the new-found Yugoslavia were "the oppressive nation", that they oppressed all the peoples in the country and invited them all to rise up against the Serbian nation and to fight by all means against its alleged criminal, "oppressive" policy in the country.

Thus the once anti-Serbian policy of Vatican now coincided with the policy of the Yugoslav communists – that the Serbs should be destroyed as "oppressors" of other peoples, and usurpers of others' territories, as "Serbian nationalists" and "imperialists" whose destruction was the condition of survival, quiet life and prosperity of other nations in the Balkans. The Yugoslav communists had also elaborated the theory of the national issue with Lenin as example: smaller nations should be supported and relied on in the struggle with the nationalist policies of great nations. This means in the case of Yugoslavia that all the movements and organisations of national minorities should be relied on in overthrowing "the Serbian nationalist rule and terror in Yugoslavia", even if the national movements were of extremely genocide character, such as the Ustashas' movement in Croatia, the ballists with Albanians, the horties in the Hungarian national minority in Vojvodina and the German "Kulturbund" which was in 1933 the extended hand of Hitler's fascism in Germany, or the character of the Albanian terrorist movement in Kosmet.

The communist slogan in Yugoslavia was: "The smaller and weaker Serbia – the stronger and greater Yugoslavia." Serbia and the Serbian people should be politically reduced to the stage of a small country, a small territory, in order for other peoples in Yugoslavia to be protected from the "Serbian nationalist oppressors", and their imperialistic plans at the expense and cost of other peoples in Yugoslavia and the Balkans. Even in 1930 the communists and Ustashas shouted in chorus: "Without destroying the Serbian nationalist rule, without destroying the Serbian economy, policy, military and territorial power, Yugoslavia cannot become an equal, democratic country." Therefore, in all actions, as they were saying, one should abide by the principle: "The weaker Serbia is, the stronger Yugoslavia will be."

Such a trick and a false Ustasha-communist charge against the Serbian people, that the Serbs are "oppressors", such a pawn and judgement of the Serbian people, has been effective to the present day, thanks to huge anti-Serbian propaganda. That false charge also applied regarding the Serbian self-defence from genocide which had been committed against them already three times in that century: 1914-1918; 1941-1945 and 1991-1995. The Serbs are always called "oppressors", imperialists, the most dangerous elements in the Balkans, they are blamed for breaking up of Yugoslavia in 1991, they are unjustly and without reason blamed for all the evils that happened in the Balkans in the twentieth century, although they are the last to blame. The Serbs are blamed for killing others, although it is generally known that in this century the Serbs were mostly killed.

According to the communists' opinion, the primary opponent to the establishment of a progressive society and order in Yugoslavia is the Serbian or the "Serbian nationalist" bourgeoisie, and for communists it is the Serbian people themselves, and in turn it has been destined by them to destruction. Alongside that genocide ideology, the communists in Yugoslavia had from the outset conducted genocide practice – they contributed to mass executions of Serbs everywhere, and committed mass crimes against them themselves, by which they became equal with the Ustashas and other criminals who had killed the Serbian people in the Second World War.

Regarding the crimes against the Serbian people, the facts are always misinterpreted: the Serbian victims are called criminals and the criminals victims. Thus, for example, when the Serbs in the period 1991-1995 stood up in resistance at their age-old hearths, to defend themselves against the third genocide – they were labelled by the attackers, the Ustashas, and other enemies, and the foreign factor, as aggressors, the genocide people, with genocide leaders killing other peoples, ethnically cleansing and usurping others' territories. That is the worst lie of the twentieth century, because the Serbs are on their historical territories, as an autochtonous people and older than any other people in the Balkans.

Thus, nowadays, the Serbs are experiencing a historical paradox and intentional misinterpretations – the Serbs as victims of this war are labelled as attackers and criminals harming other peoples whose victims they are, and the criminals call themselves victims. The Serbs in this war, as in the previous two wars, are the victims of genocide, and they are at the same time being accused of genocide of others: the Serbs are being ethnically cleansed from the territories they have lived on for ages (Krajina, Western Bosnia, Herzegovina, Kosovo and Metochia), and the Serbs are at the same time being labelled as criminals and accused of ethnic cleansing of other peoples and usurpation of others' territories. The Serbs are accused of creating "the Great Serbia", whereas Great Croatia and Great Albania are being formed on the Serbian territory.

Moreover, they want the heads of tens of outstanding Serbian leaders, to try them only because they organised the Serbian people and stood up in resistance to crimes against them, because they did not quietly go to pits and other scaffolds as in 1941, and for saving their people from the third genocide which was in store for them and already initiated in many places.

And, as for specific communist crimes against the Serbian people between the two world wars, the following could be said:

As soon as they were formed into organised groups, the communists and Ustashas immediately started their bloodshed against the Serbian people, then mass crimes for their total extinction. First they had elaborated the plan of executing the Serbian leaders and people of respect. Thus, in 1921, a communist attempted to assassinate the Serbian king Alexander, but failed, and another communist, a Moslem from Bosnia, assassinated the minister of foreign affairs of Yugoslavia, the Serb Milorad Draskovic, while he was taking rest with his child in a park in Delnice.

In order to crush the unity of the Serbian people and destroy it more easily, in their Fourth Congress in 1928 Dresden in Germany the communists made the decision to make efforts to separate Montenegro from Serbia and Yugoslavia, and to establish preconditions for the surrender of Kosovo and Metohija to Albanians.

When King Alexander had dissolved the Parliament in 1928 due to perpetual conflicts within it, abolished the Vidovdan Constitution and prohibited the activities of political parties, the Croatian fascists, in the Catholic church in Kaptol in Zagreb, founded a criminal, terrorist, fascist organisation called the Ustashas, having taken the shortened name of Serbian rebels against the Turks in 1875 (the "Nevesinje rifle"). The only aim of the Ustashas' terrorist organisation was the destruction of the Serbian people in Croatia, and even outside its borders.

Due to the terrorism of Ustashas and communists, the regime of the Yugoslav Monarchy suppressed both organisations: the communists in 1920, and the Ustashas in 1929, arresting and trying them together, for anti-state terrorist activity, so they were together in penitentiaries. In prisons they collaborated and made plans on the joint struggle against the "Serbian criminal nationalist regime" – as the communists and Ustashas called the regime of the Yugoslavia of that time. Due to their close contacts and friendly ties, there were many cases of people who had come to prisons as Ustashas and left as communists. Such was the case of Maks Baca, who was later, as a communist, the vice-president of the Croatian Assembly in Broz's Yugoslavia in 1969. This Ustasha-communist was also an active participant in the "mass movement" in Croatia in 1971, namely, in the Ustashas' movement led by the leading Croatian communists Mika Tripolo and Savka Dapcevic-Kucar, which will be discussed later on.

In 1932, in agreement with the communists, the Ustashas tried to raise the "Lika rebellion" in the village of Bresani in Lika. That was a minor Ustasha group of saboteurs – terrorists, led by Andrija Artukovic (a Serb converted to Catholicism, a Kovacevic of Grahovo), the future Pavelic's minister of police, then an attorney-at-law in Gospic. They dropped a few bombs on the gendarme barracks in that village, started firing from their rifles, and then fled to Dalmatia and, via Zadar, crossed over to Italy. The fascist press raised a lot of dust about it, as the beginning of the armed struggle of the Croatian people for liberation from the "Serbian nationalist rule and terror from Belgrade".

On the occasion of the Ustashas' "Rebellion of Lika", the communists issued a proclamation – an invitation to communists to support the Ustashas' struggle against the "bloody Belgrade regime" – as they, together with the Ustashas, called the regime in Belgrade, the regime which also included the Croats: the Radic brothers, Vlatko Macek, as well as the Slovenians – Anton Korosec, the sworn anti-Serb and the chief of the most reactionary Slovenian National Party. The jesuit Korosec was always the vice-president of the Yugoslav government, and from 1929 the minister of the Yugoslav police, the position to which he was nominated by King Alexander in person, whom they called their greatest enemy.

In the said Proclamation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia of 1932 for supporting the Ustashas' rebellion in Lika, you can read the following:

"The Communist Party is addressing the whole Croatian people inviting it to support the Ustashas' struggle with utmost effort, and in doing so, not to rely exclusively on the Ustashas' terrorist actions, but also to rely on the widest masses of the Croatian people against the Serbian nationalist domineering oppressors…In the places where the Ustashas' movement has broken out, the communists are obliged to establish contacts with the Ustashas, to help them, to draw wide masses of people into the actions…and provide to the Ustashas' movement the managing part of workers and peasants (the communists – n.b. N.V.)…to organise actions of solidarity with the Ustashas' movement…the communists should conduct the action with the railwaymen, organise actions against transportation of the army and ammunition against the Ustashas, to campaign among the soldiers against putting down the Ustashas' rebellion, and for supporting their struggle."

The proclamation was signed by the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Milan Gorkic (the real name is Josip Cizinski, a Czech, Catholic).

At the same time, the communists financially supported the issuing of Ustashas' publications and other press, criticised the Ustashas' leader Ante Pavelic for not fighting more vehemently against the "nationalist Serbian regime", threatening him that they would assume the leadership of the Ustashas' movement, that it would be managed by the communists if he continued with such insufficient activities against the Serbs.

In order to be able to act more successfully against the Serbian people in Yugoslavia, the Vatican-communist (masonic) trio Broz-Kardelj-Bakaric convened in 1934 the Fourth Conference of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in Ljubljana, in the Bishop's Court, with the black wine from the Bishop's cellar and with roast lamb which was specially prepared by the Diocese for the communists as "dear guests", as the Bishop himself told when he greeted them at the meeting.

The nationalist communist parties of Croatia and Slovenia were formed at the Conference, and it was decided not to form the communist party of Serbia because the Serbs were "the oppressive people", and so the other peoples, especially the Croats and Slovenians, should defend themselves from the Serbs by having their national communist parties.

Having assumed all the power in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in 1934, the Catholic masonic trio Broz-Kardelj-Bakaric strengthened the anti-Serbian propaganda in the country, satanising the Serbs and the whole Serbian people, accusing it of being the primary impediment to the creation of a new, democratic, brotherly community of nations and nationalities in Yugoslavia, in which they were fully supported in Moscow, by the Comintern, and the Soviet regime. Thus, the Serbian people were even then de facto proclaimed a reactionary people, which should be destroyed for it stood in the way of creating a better, more just, socialist society, as in the Soviet Russia, even though Russia was at the time ruled by the most undemocratic regime in the world.

In 1935, in the Seventh Congress, the Comintern gave the directive to the communists of Yugoslavia to preserve Yugoslavia for the joint struggle against a new danger in Europe – the German fascism and Hitler – but the trio Broz-Kardelj-Bakaric interpreted it in their own way. Implementing Marxism – Leninism in specific Yugoslav conditions – as the party theoretician Kardelj explained, they presumed that the struggle against fascism meant the struggle against "the Serbian fascism", against "the monarchic fascist dictatorship of King Alexander and the Serbian nationalist hegemony in Yugoslavia", which, as interpreted by the communists, meant – the struggle of all the peoples within the country against one people, the Serbian people which was, in their opinion, fascist, and whose fascism was the only danger, and all other forms of fascism – the Ustashas', German and others, were not dangerous, nor should be fought against.

Therefore, in the communists' opinion, the "oppressive" and "fascist" Serbian nation should be broken up, crushed, destroyed by utmost efforts.

As soon as 1935 the communists participated in the elections of 5 May in coalition with the Ustashas and Macek and thus made the Ustashas' movement in Yugoslavia even stronger. Two years later, the leaders of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to found the regional committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia for Vojvodina and Kosovo and Metohija, which initiated tearing apart of the undivided Serbian territory into three parts, which were later, in Broz's socialist Yugoslavia, to assume the constitutional frame of independent state units.

From 1936 to 1939, thanks to Stalin's police, Broz killed all Serbian communist leaders who were in emigration in Russia: Sima Markovic, a mathematics professor at the Belgrade University; then professor Filip Filipovic, one of the founders of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia; the three Vujovic brothers; Vladimir Copic; Petko Miletic, who was the Comintern's candidate for the Secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, and many others, accusing them to Stalin's police of being "imperialist spies". Broz also accused some of the Croatian and Slovenian communists, who opted for collaboration with the Serbian communists. Then he killed all the Serbian communist leaders in the country and in the civil war in Spain, which lasted from 1936 to 1939. Among those in Spain, they killed a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Blagoje Parovic.

Having "settled the situation in the Party", or "having cleansed the Party" of opportunists, spies and enemies – as Broz called the executions of people who had different opinions from him, he formed a new political bureau, as the supreme body of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which had all the authorities related to communist members in Yugoslavia. The Politbureau consisted of bad students, of illiterate or half-literate people such as Josip Broz, who had repeated the first class of primary school (he had finished only four classes), two Slovenians – Edvard Kardelj had failed in the second class of teachers' school and these were his only qualifications, and Franc Leskosek, a manual worker in ironworks; Duro Pucar-Stari, a blacksmith; the Montenegrian Milovan Djilas, who had failed in the second year of studies of literature at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade; the Serb Aleksandar Rankovic, a tailor, who had made packsaddles for horses and finished only four classes of primary school; the Macedonian Lazar Kolisevski, an ironworks manual worker, like Leskosek.

That is the "expert" team which had initiated the communist revolution in Yugoslavia in 1941, guided by the example of the revolution in Russia, and who killed the Serbian people on the models of Lenin and Stalin in Russia from 1918 to 1941.

The communists held the Fifth Conference of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia under the direct leadership of Broz and the new Politbiro in Zagreb, in Dubrava, where it was decided, among other things, that an Albanian state was to be formed after the war in Kosmet, under the name of the "Workers' and Peasants' Republic of Kosovo", and all the Serbs and Montenegrians to be banished from that territory as the alleged supporters of the "Serbian nationalist hegemony" over national minorities. Thus the communists had surrendered Kosovo to Albanians before the NATO Pact and the American Minister Madlene Albright.

The Communist Crimes Against the Serbs in the Second World War 1941-1945

As soon as the fascists had overthrown the Yugoslav Monarchy, the Croatian fascists, the Ustashas, with blessing from Vatican, started the second genocide over the Serbs, in which they killed, from 1941 to 1945, over a million Serbs, Jews and Gipsies.

And how did the Yugoslav communists – their leaders in the occupied country - conduct themselves? Like Macek and the Ustashas, immediately before the war, they had issued a resolution to their members to sabotage the struggle of the Yugoslav peoples against the fascist forces. In one of such resolutions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, there is the following excerpt:

"First, the mobilised members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia must undermine the resistance of the Yugoslav army making intrigues and causing confusion among the soldiers and officers…

Second, all required support should be given to the Ustashas and other separatist organisations within the country, which are for its breaking up…Thus Yugoslavia will be disintegrated into several parts, and the Communist Party will subsequently be active in each of them..."

Only a week after the foundation of the "Independent State of Croatia" and two days before the capitulation of Yugoslavia on 16 April 1941, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the chief of the Communist Party in Croatia, Vladimir Bakaric, was driving through Zagreb in a luxurious car with Pavelic's right-hand man Milo Budak. According to the statements and writings of Broz's spy who worked for four sides, Josip Kopinic, a Slovenian (the German, English, Russian and Broz's informer, died in 1998), Bakaric and Budak then agreed for the Croatian communists to enter Pavelic's government or the Assembly as an opposition party, for Pavelic to have alibi for the "democratic rule". It is unknown why they did not enter, but it is well-known that the communists and Ustashas kept continual contacts during the whole war.

In their struggle against the Serbian people, the communists and Ustashas had the same objectives and the same slogans: they fought "against the Serbian nationalist terror", against the so-called "great Serbia", against Yugoslavia which was for both of them "the expanded great Serbia", created only in order to destroy the catholic Croats and to convert them into Serbs". For the Ustashas and communists the first Yugoslavia was "a deceit, a snare, a cauldron for the assimilation of un-Serbian peoples", thanks to which all its peoples will be converted into Serbs, assimilated, destroyed.

For that reason, when the Ustashas effected their second genocide of the Serbs in 1941, the communists not only did not defend the Serbs, but killing the Serbs by Ustashas suited them – it benefited them. Thus, when a general of the English Intelligence with the partisan headquarters, Fitzroy Maclean, told Broz in 1941 that the Ustashas had killed a great number of Serbs in Croatia (Lika, Kordun, Banija and Slavonia), Broz replied: "It doesn't matter, had they not killed them, our partisan movement in Croatia would not have been preserved even for three weeks – the Chetniks would have defeated it."

And when the Chetniks started in 1941 to defend the Serbian people with arms from the Ustashas' crimes (for example a priest, the future Chetnik commander-in-chief Momcilo Djujic in Strmica in Lika), the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia, upon Broz's order, proclaimed the Chetniks criminals, even though they only killed the armed Ustashas who attacked the Serbian villages and performed mass executions of Serbian children and old people throwing them into pits or killing them in other ways. So, whereas the Serbian Chetniks defended the Serbian people from the crimes of Croatian fascists – the Ustashas, the communists attacked the Chetniks and prevented them from defending the Serbian people from extinction. Naturally, the communists said that the Chetniks also killed the Croatian civilians, and thus they were even then identified with the fascists, although they were not fascists, but anti-communists, and fought for their king and their homeland.

First, the communist genocide against the Serbs was realised by intentionally sending the Serbian partisan units against far more superior and more armed occupation forces, in order to die in greater numbers (Kadinjaca, Pljevlja, the Front of Srem).

Second, "by accidental killings", particularly of the Serbian communist leaders, such as, for example, the killing of Montenegrian communist leaders, Bude Tomovic and Baja Sekulic, the commander Sava Kovacevic, Ivan Milutinovic, Sava Belovic and tens of other Serbian commanders who were later proclaimed national heroes. According to some research, out of some 1.200 national heroes, some 900 are Serbs, and most of them were killed from behind by their friends "upon the party's order", due to alleged mistakes or failures in the battle.

Third, the partisans shot all the imprisoned Chetniks upon Broz's order "at the spot", whereas other prisoners: the Ustashas, the Quisling forces, the Moslem police, ballists, Hungarian honveds, and others were offered admission to partisan lines, and if they did not want it, their arms were taken away and they were sent home. In this way tens of thousands of Serbian Chetniks were killed even during the war, and some hundreds of thousands after the war.

Fourth, execution of Serbs only during occupation of towns and villages, especially by the end of the war. Thus, for example, from the liberation of Belgrade on 20 October 1944 until the end of the war, 30.000 Serbs were killed only in Belgrade, a large number of whom took part in the battle for liberation of Belgrade, and among which there were about 60 professors and other staff of the Belgrade University.

A particular communist crime occurred immediately after the war when some 350.000 Serbs were killed like "skripari" with no trial and no law. Ten years after the war the chase of "skripari"was still going on, 99 percent of whom were Serbs.

The Serbs started their rebellion against the occupying forces under the leadership of the colonel Draza Mihailovic on 13 May 1941 in Ivanjica, and before the beginning of August they occupied a greater part of Sumadija, along with the towns of Uzice, Cacak and Loznica. At the same time, the Chetniks allowed the communists on these territories to conduct the mobilisation of their followers who were called partisans (the partisans – the party army), to form the communist organisations and new governing bodies in the form of boards for national liberation. The Chetniks revived the old rule of the parliamentary monarchy of Yugoslavia.

During the war, the Chetniks made efforts to save the Serbian people from severe battles for which the occupying forces used to take reprisal, they tried to preserve it from destruction, to preserve the biological substance of their own people knowing that the war in the Balkans was being waged mostly against the Serbs. But the communists did not care for the victims, because the Serbian people was in question, the Serbian children and old people and the Serbian Chetniks and partisans who were killed by the Germans. Consequently, the communists were prepared to wage the war "to the last Serb", the last Serbian child, Serbian home and estate. Everything was to be subordinated to acquisition of power – the communists used to say - and how many Serbs would be killed – that did not matter.

Therefore, the communists' principal aim was not the struggle against the occupying forces for liberation of the country, but the struggle for power: not the struggle against the occupying forces, but against the rivals in power – against the Serbian Chetniks. It was important for the communists to destroy the Serbian Chetniks, and they avoided the battles with the occupying forces whenever they could. The partisans classified their struggle against the occupying forces into the so-called seven offensives, which were in fact their seven defensives, seven withdrawals from the occupying forces and seven flights from big fights, although some of them could not be avoided – for example, Neretva, Sutjeska, the Airdrop on Drvar, etc.

In the first months of rebellion in Serbia in 1941, the Chetniks and partisans had no great conflicts, but, as soon as Josip Broz had arrived on 17 September, the divisions and conflicts between them ensued. By dividing the rebellion forces into two ideological blocs, into the Chetniks and the partisans, the communists changed the Ustashas' slogan "hang Serbs on the willows" into the slogan "Serbs against Serbs"; the Chetniks against the partisans; let only the Serbs die. That is one of the greatest communist crimes in Yugoslavia 1941-1945.

Here are some more specific communists' crimes against the Serbs during the war:

First, it is well-known that the communists were the first to disarm and kill the Serbian Chetniks in Serbia, in the autumn of 1941, and the Chetniks killed the communists to take revenge, which was the actual objective of the communist leadership, namely, to kill the Serbs on both sides, for they were both Chetniks and partisans.

Second, the communist leadership waged battles on the Serbian territory, in Serbia, where not only did the Serbian soldiers die as Chetniks and partisans, but also the Serbian civilians and their families. The Germans made the decision to shoot a 100 Serbs for each German soldier killed, and according to that, on 21 October 1941 the fascists killed 7.000 pupils in Kragujevac, 6.000 citizens in Kraljevo, 5.000 in Sabac, 4.000 in Nis and Bubanj, etc. When Broz was told that the pupils in Kragujevac had been killed, he replied like he did to Fitzroy Maclean: It does not matter, in a few years they would have grown up, and all of them would have been Chetniks and would have fought against us.

Third, the communist leadership sent some 300 Serbian workers from Uzice before the German tank column, which was progressing from Bajina Basta towards Uzice, to encounter them with only bare breasts and light infantry arms. On the slope of Kadinjaca, 14 kilometres west of Uzice, they all died in unequal battle, and the Germans passed with tank tracks over the remaining wounded. The communist leadership fled via Zlatibor towards Sjenica, not knowing what had happened to the victimised "workers' batallion", criminally thrown by themselves under the German tanks. Each commander who forced his unit to such unequal struggle with the enemies was shot during the war.

The fourth communist crime also occurred in these days of December 1941, but in Montenegro, in Pljevlja. Fleeing from Serbia before the Chetnik forces, the communist leader Broz ordered the communist leadership of Montenegro to attack and conquer the town of Pljevlja where there was a complete Italian division and 1.000 native Ustashas, mostly Moslems who were fairly familiar with the terrain around the town fortified by bunkers, trenches, barbed wire, mine fields, tanks and cannons within the town. About 3.500 brave Montenegrian young men, mostly inexperienced in battle, with no heavy arms, were sent to such a stronghold as Pljevlja, so that they were also sent to the scaffold and to certain death. Within only 24 hours of battle some 580 soldiers were either killed or wounded, and the town was not conquered. Even today the historians still accuse this or that battalion commandant, or a company commander and the like, of failure in Pljevlja, or the commander-in-chief Ivan Milutinovic, but even today no one dares blame that tragedy, that crime against these young soldiers, on the actual culprit, the former Austrian corporal Josip Broz, whose interest lay in a smaller number of Serbs, the Montenegrians, the Orthodox peoples generally. The less Serbs there are, the less there will be Chetniks – Broz used to say with a smile.

The fifth crime of the communist leadership against the Serbian people during the war 1941-1945 was the so-called "turning to the left" in Montenegro and Herzegovina, which was actually a special form of communist genocide of the Serbian people. It could be called "the beheading of Serbian leaders", because the most respectable Serbs were killed. It is a special form of communist crimes, used in many ways and in many places against the Serbian people. This mass crime was called by the communists "turning to the left", allegedly, these were only mistakes due to communist exaggeration in revolutionary zeal, in "their inclination to the left", and in any case most of those killed were guilty, even in the opinion of contemporary communists – they deserved death. In that crime in Montenegro some 1.600 most educated people were killed: officers, students, lawyers, professors, doctors, engineers, students, respectable heads of families, heroes from Mojkovac, Bregalnica, Tarabos, the most respectable people of that time in Montenegro. Had so many intellectuals and respectable people been killed in the whole of Europe, it would have affected all the domains of its life, let alone in the small Montenegro which had at the time hardly 400.000 inhabitants. In one night only in 1942, about 300 most respectable people of the area were killed in Kolasin. They even killed a dog which did not want to be separated from his master, so they crucified it in the scaffold of those unfortunate men and called it "the Dogs' graveyard". In the Serbian tribe of Vasojevici 250 people were killed in only one day, and in the brotherhood of Karadzic 72 males were killed, some seven deep pits in Montenegro were filled with Serbs, which made the criminals the same as Ustashas who around the same time threw 12 thousand Serbs into some 30 pits of Herzegovina, almost 200 metres deep.

According to that, the communists in Herzegovina and Montenegro, like the Ustashas, threw the Serbs into pits, killed them by knives, daggers, hatchets, mallets, various blunt objects, they tore body parts of live innocent people, in all alike the Croat fascists – Ustashas, because they were given directives from the same centre – from Vatican.

During the "turning to the left" in Herzegovina, the communists killed about 500 most respectable Serbs, almost at the same time when the Ustashas killed some 12.000 Serbs there, a large number of whom were women, old people and children. Unlike them, the communists made efforts to kill as many Serbian males as possible, particularly Serbian intellectuals and people of respect, the Serbian national elite, thus to deprive the whole Serbian people of their leaders and to turn in more easily into obedient slaves.

The sixth great communist crime against the Serbs during that war was the decision of the partisan headquarters on the Neretva 12 March 1943 that every captured Serbian Chetnik was to be shot "on the spot", with no inquiries. At the same time an order was issued that all the other prisoners – the Ustashas, the Quisling forces, ballists, horties, the members of the Moslem police, "Dirk divisions" and others, should be offered to change to the partisans, and if they did not want to, only to disarm them and send them home. Not only is it a genocide decision against the Serbian people, but also a war crime – because the prisoners cannot be killed according to war law. Broz knew that, so he ordered a headquarters member, a Montenegrian, to sign that. When we asked the general why he had signed that, he replied: "Failure to perform a Commander-in Chief's order results in death penalty – shooting on the spot."

The seventh communist crime against the Serbian people also occurred in those days of March 1943, during the battle on the Neretva or, as the partisans called it, during the fourth enemy offensive, when all the partisans with the Headquarters were jammed into the Neretva Canyon. That was an agreement on the attack between the German command in Zagreb with the General Gleze von Horstenau at the head, and Broz's delegation from the members of the Headquarters, Milovan Djilas, Koca Popovic and Vladimir Velebit (all the three Serbs, Broz's generals and members of the core of headquarters). In this agreement Broz's representatives signed what Draza Mihailovic had never signed with the occupying forces, even though he collaborated with the occupying forces in his struggle with the communists – partisans. These are two items: 1) that the principal antagonists and enemies of the partisans are not the Germans, but the Serbian Chetniks, and 2) if the English embarked on the Adriatic Coast, the partisans would fight together with the Germans against them and their allies – the Chetniks.

Thus in 1943 on the Neretva Broz committed a double crime against the Serbian people: he ordered the shooting of imprisoned Chetniks and promised to fascists an alliance against the English and the Chetniks.

The eight crime against the Serbian people were two agreements of Broz and the Pope in 1943: that the partisans should not occupy the concentration camp of Jasenovac and that Broz should admit all of Pavelic's army into the partisans. When two partisan brigades made of the Serbs of Krajina, whose families were imprisoned in the camp of Jasenovac, were preparing to attack the camp and to liberate some tens of thousands of Serbs, Jews and Gypsies, Broz forbade that, on the Pope's order, thanks to Bakaric and Josip Krajacic – Steva who was Stalin's informer and later the chief of the communist police in Croatia. For the destruction of some million Serbs in that Ustashas' concentration camp, the Roman Pope awarded the Archbishop of Zagreb Alojzi Stepinac after the war promoting him to cardinal and proclaiming him blessed.

Another request of the Pope to Broz was the admission of Pavelic's army into the partisans, namely, the conversion of Croatian Ustashas from the fascist bloc into anti-fascists, as the international situation of the time was unfavourable to them and it was essential to save them. Upon the Pope's order of 1943, Broz issued such an order, and within less than a year about 250.000 Ustashas and Quisling forces changed to the partisans, with acknowledged all years of war service and officer ranks, whereas some of them were given higher ranks as if they had all the time been not in fascist military formations but in the partisans. Thus tens of thousands of the worst criminals who had killed the Serbian people across Krajina, Herzegovina and Bosnia and who took their part in the genocide of the Serbs in 1941, now changed to the partisans with equal rights as the Serbs who had been fighting from 1941 and who had fled the pits and scaffolds to which they had been led and pursued by many of those Pavelic's soldiers.

The admission of so many criminals who had harmed the Serbian people, so many soldiers and officers who had fought for three years in fascist military formations, their conversion into the anti-fascist bloc, their transformation from the defeated to the winners and even their assignment to higher functions during the war – that was a real crime, because thus the initial partisan principles – the Yugoslav spirit, brotherhood and unity – suddenly started to lose their significance, simply to fade, to disappear. That was a real crime, primarily against the Serbian people and Serbian partisan warriors who joined the partisans and naively believed that the communists were fighting for freedom of the Serbian people, for the freedom and justice for Yugoslavia, for brotherhood and unity, for punishing all the criminals, for equality of the Yugoslav peoples. With the admission of Pavelic's army, everything was found very questionable by the Serbian partisans as a great deceit of the Serbian people, and later it turned out to be the actual face of the communists and their struggle, to be the essence of their anti-Serbian policy, their actual strategy from the outset of their activity in Yugoslavia.

However, it was late for the Serbs in the partisans and outside their lines as Broz had already ensured a sufficient number of obedient people even among the Serbs, who were ready for their function to act on every order by Broz, even to kill their closest friends and family members. With the above-mentioned Catholic masonic trio Broz-Kardelj-Bakaric, the communists stimulated and promoted the correct ones, who were willing to do anything for personal gain, having thus formed a considerable class even among the Serbs, who executed all anti-Serbian decisions of the communist leaders. Even during the war Broz had created a personal cult, a myth of the unerring, wise, ingenious, unsurpassable leader, whose authority no one dreamed of questioning any more, because they would disappear from earth as soon as they had even thought of it. Broz simply eliminated his enemies, differently-minded people, people he disliked for any reason – these are the words of his first collaborator Milovan Djilas, who was after the war, when he had performed his part, eliminated by Broz from politics and kept in prison for several years.

The following communist crime against the Serbs was the execution of some 30.000 citizens of Belgrade after the liberation of the city, namely after 20 October 1944. There were among the killed citizens of Belgrade about 60 university professors and other university staff, as well as a large number of those Serbs who had appeared in the streets of Belgrade, took arms and helped the partisans and the Red Army to liberate the city. They were all pursued in "paddy wagons", as the Germans during the war took the Jews in trucks – gas chambers, killed them by a poisonous gas during their drive though the city, turning on music along the way for the screams of the dying people in the chambers not to be heard. Unlike the Germans, the Serbs were crammed by Broz's UDBA (secret police) into trucks and patrol wagons, driven out of towns and killed there before large graves that the prisoners had dug themselves. The commandant of the Belgrade police was at the time a Montenegrian, the future ambassador in Moscow, and Broz chose him for the Serbs in Belgrade to hate the Montenegrians as much as possible. Among other things, Broz sent the Eighth Montenegrian Brigade in the occupation of Belgrade with the same objective – for all the citizens of Belgrade to know that all the people had been killed in the battle by the Montenegrian partisans. That is the communist "Serbs against Serbs" policy. The communists did everything according to plan and left nothing to chance. They killed the Serbs much more cunningly than the Ustashas, and it is therefore that even now some naïve Serbs still praise them.

One of the gravest communist crimes during the Second World War against the Serbian people was the death of about 180.000 Serbian young men in only two months of battle at the Front of Srem from February to April 1945, immediately before the end of the war. Namely, as soon as Broz had arrived in Belgrade on the Russian tanks in 1944, he ordered the mobilisation of all young men from the age of 17 onwards in the whole of Serbia, and sent them only with infantry arms, entirely inexperienced, beardless young men, who had not seen battle at all, to crush with their breasts well-fortified German bunkers, trenches, to tear several rows of wire which the German units were surrounded with in the region near Sid and Sremska Mitrovica. For two months these young men were storming at German strongholds dying in large numbers, like clay pigeons, of German heavy machine-guns with tanks and well-fortified bunkers. In the two months of that criminal action of the communist leaders, out of some 250 thousand Serbian young men who had come to the front, some 180 thousand died, were wounded or disappeared, and even some of their graves are unknown. They remained in the muddy plane of Srem in that early, sinister spring of 1945.

The Front of Srem should not have been broken through, since in February and March 1945 the Russian troops had already occupied Hungary and were approaching Vienna, so that in a few weeks the Germans of Srem had to withdraw towards Zagreb on their own, to avoid being imprisoned there. But Broz did not want to wait for them to leave, but sent the Serbian young men to die there, thus to take revenge on the Serbs for having banished him in 1941 so that he could not even think of going to Serbia before the arrival of the Russian tanks of General Birjuzov, who appeared in the midst of Belgrade with the Montenegrian Peko Dapcevic, and the building of the Russian embassy was made at the place where they had kissed in a brotherly manner.

The crime at the Front of Srem is Broz's genocide of the Serbian young people, the revenge for banishment from Serbia in 1941 and the wish to throw to the scaffold as many Serbs as possible, so that he would not kill and punish them later as Chetniks and collaborators with the occupying forces, because the communists considered all the Serbs Chetniks and they were always destined to die. During the war the communists used the Serbs as good warriors, as a means by which they obtained power, where they had complete success.

The next crime is the killing of Serbs at Lijevce Polje near Banja Luka in April 1945. There the communists together with Ustashas killed several thousands of Chetniks and their families, mostly from Montenegro and Herzegovina, who had been led by Pavle Djurisic in their withdrawal towards the Austrian border. The communists and Ustashas arrested some 150 of the most respectable Chetnik officers from Herzegovina and Montenegro, took them to Jasenovac and burnt them there. The Serbian man-of-letters Dragisa Vasic was also killed there, who was even thought by the Croatian author Miroslav Krleza to be a good author and literary man.

One of the severest crimes against the Serbs occurred in the far north of the country, in Slovenia, near Zidani Most and Blajburg. After the end of the war, on 13 May 1945, the communists arrested about 20 thousand Chetniks and during the summer of the same year they used to transport them to Slovenian abysses and pits in the so-called "trains of death" killing them there. Thus a double crime was committed: the execution of prisoners and the execution after the war ended, with no trial and no law.

Another crime against the Serbian people was the bombardment of Serbian towns from English air-planes in the period 1944-1945 by partisan navigators' guiding. They were obliged to guide the air-planes to the barracks and other military facilities, but they guided them to Serbian squares. Thus Belgrade was bombed six times, but always the civilian city centre where there were no military facilities, and one bombing occurred on the Resurrection of Our Lord on 17 April 1944, and on that occasion some 2.000 civilians were murdered, mostly women and children. Nis was bombed twelve times, Krusevac six times, and Podgorica 73 times. More than 5.000 people were killed there, so that the Montenegrian communists, expressing thanks to "Comrade Tito" for having bombed them so successfully, were the first in Yugoslavia to rename their town of Podgorica into Titograd.

By bombing the Serbian towns, the air-planes of the English and American allies killed some 50.000 civilians – mostly women, children and old people who could not hide in their basements and other shelters.

One of the last communist crimes against the Serbian people in the Second World War was the killing of 20.000 Serbs in Miljevina near Foca, at the beginning of August 1945. This group of Serbian young men from 16 to 20 years of age was moving from Bosnia towards Serbia, to their homes in Uzice, Cacak and Valjevo. The communists threw leaflets from air-planes at them to surrender, for they guaranteed them lives and promised to convey them in trucks to Serbia, which these naïve, exhausted and crazed young men believed. When the communists captured them, they tied them in ropes, 20 in each group, and thus, mostly alive, they flung them into the Ponor (abyss) pit in Miljevina, 10 km west of Srbinje.

They were killed by the Moslems who had only three months earlier been admitted into partisans from Pavelic's army, and who had, as Ustashas in 1941, taken part in mass murders of the Serbian people. So, the same people, in 1941 as Ustashas, and in 1945 as partisans, killed the Serbs in the most gruesome ways. Thus the communists here committed a crime in four ways: they killed prisoners, they killed minors, they killed after the end of the war and they killed with no trial and no law. But the western allies forgave all that to communists because they killed the Serbs, as they forgave in the period from 1991-1995 the former communist general Franjo Tudjman the mass murders and the banishment of Serbs in Krajina and Western Bosnia, for he was advised by the American ambassador in Zagreb, Peter Galbright, who on 8 August 1995 stuck the Ustashas' flag on the Tower of Knin at the head of the Ustashas' column.

The Crimes of the Communist Rule against the Serbian People in the "Socialist Yugoslavia" 1945-1991

The Serbian people welcomed with pleasure the capitulation of the fascist Germany, but the coming of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia into power they felt as their second misfortune, as their second tragedy. Due to perpetual communist anti-Serbian propaganda and satanising, the Serbs came notorious out of the war almost as a criminal people. All the Serbs, except for the Serbs who were extreme communist sycophants, were represented as Chetniks, as murderers, bandits, robbers, so that most Serbs were included in the new state system as second-class citizens, even though the Serbian partisans were the most responsible for the victory over fascism on the territory of Yugoslavia. The ruling people officially accepted the anti-Serbian communist thesis that the Serbs and their Chetniks had during the war been the only force and threat to the creation of the new Yugoslavia, the brotherly community of "nations and nationalities" who would have lived in genuine harmony and love had it not been for the Serbs. Therefore, the result of many decades of anti-Serbian propaganda was such that the Serbs were actually and legally pilloried as the worst people. It was therefore that after the war all the more important positions in all the fields in the communist Yugoslavia were taken by anti-Serb cadre from non-Serbian nations or, on the other hand, from the Serbian nation, the Serbian communist cadre, who had been proven during the war as Serbicides, Serbivours, Serb-haters, careerists, sycophants, yes-men and all the other names the Serbian people had with repulsion given them. For the Serbs, they were often worse than communists from other nations, for having daily to prove themselves anti-Serbs, at least by minor anti-Serbian actions. Therefore, most Serbs were subordinated, they felt as if they were in some occupied country which was not theirs. Broz defined the Serbian position when he came to Belgrade in 1944 and said: "Serbia is an occupied, subordinated country and it has to be treated and to feel that way."

So, the Serbs became the hostages of the new communist regime and they were always called to the police for informative talks "because of their past in the war". They would be arrested with no call and even in the middle of the night they were crammed into trucks, driven away from populated areas and executed, then jammed into common graves that no one had ever learnt about, not anyone ever dared ask where they were and what they looked like. The Serbian people knew of the pits and scaffolds where the Ustashas had thrown them in 1941, but they never dared ask where the graves were of those whom the communists had killed after the war, and there were some 350.000 killed, and over 3 million had passed through prisons.

We know that these data are correct from the report of the communist police chief, Aleksandar Rankovic, who said in the official report that about 3.5 million citizens had passed through the communist prisons from 1945 to 1950, half of whom were innocent, and a third minors. But Rankovic never disclosed two much more important details on the communist crime against the Serbian people after the war.

The first such crime was the chase of the communist police, the notorious OZNA (Department of National Protection), the later UDBA, from 1944 to 1954, in capturing the co-called "skripari", namely the Yugoslav citizens who had fled and who were hiding from the new rule in caves and pits, 99% of whom were Serbs and Montenegrians. Being afraid of "shooting on the spot", as Broz's order for Serbian Chetniks of 1943 read, the Serbian young men who had not been in the partisans hid for some time after the war to avoid being killed, but were proclaimed enemies and the police was authorised to conduct constant pursuits and executions "in case anyone tried to run away", including anyone caught out of populated places and houses. In these pursuits, in that chase of Serbian heads, about 350.000 people were killed, mostly Serbs, and the last ones were killed in Montenegro in 1956.

The second crime after the war was the amnesty by the communist rule for all the war crimes and the prohibition of trying the criminals, as 99% of them were Croats, Moslems, Albanians, and other members of non-Serbian nationalities.

The third great communist crime against the Serbian people after the war was the arrest and elimination of the so-called "Information Bureau men", the Serbian communist leaders who had opted for the so-called "Resolution of the Information Bureau" in 1948. Having eliminated the Serbian Chetniks during and after the war, the communists decided to eliminate the Serbian communist cadres as well, and in turn to realise their anti-Serbian plan of mass destruction of the Serbian people.

All the arrested followers of the Information Bureau Resolution set up camp on Goli Otok, some 60.000 respectable Serbs. It was then that the Serbian communist elite was eliminated, who had created Broz's winner's halo during the war. They were partisan officers, proven functionaries, commandants, memorial holders, heroes, generals, ministers of UDBA and Broz's other former cadres.

Thus, in the period 1948-1956, the communist rule of Yugoslavia almost rounded up their plan of destroying the Serbian people, the Serbian Chetnik and partisan elites. Finally, Broz eliminated even his two closest associates, two unfortunate Serbs, who had helped him for twelve years (1934-1956) to commit the criminal act – the crime against the Serbian people. They were Milovan Djilas, who was awarded by Broz years of prison in Sremska Mitrovica for his merits, and Aleksandar Rankovic, the chief of OZNA and UDBA, who was imputed to have eavesdropped Broz's conversations in order to be suspended. Djilas was dismissed in 1954, and Rankovic in 1966, and both of them died uncertain of why they had been punished. They died without having realised that they had been a pure means and instrument of destroying the Serbs by the Vatican communist (masonic) trio Broz-Kardelj-Bakaric. They died without having learnt who Broz was, what his real name was and where he came from: they had not learnt that Bakaric was called Kuperstein, and Kardelj Eduardo Cardelli.

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